“Our suburbs would be gone,” Trump said.
“He wouldn’t know a suburb unless he took a wrong turn,” Biden responded.
But the suburbs are not uniform. They vary from city to city and so do the flip zones, AP’s analysis shows.
— In Dallas, the purple ring through the suburbs in 2016 was 18.7 miles out from city hall, at an average of 714 households per square mile. The border runs close to AT&T Stadium in Arlington, where the Dallas Cowboys play. Arlington is a so-called boomburb that morphed through new construction from a suburb into a city of 400,000.
— In Atlanta, the flip zone was nearly 24 miles out, at 434 households per square mile. It stretched out to diverse suburbs such as Kennesaw, where Black and Latino residents have nearly doubled their share of the population in the last two decades.
— In reliably Democratic Boston, Chicago and Seattle, one must drive out more than 40 miles, to what is essentially farmland, to find the flip zone.
Now the suburbs are the places delivering a referendum on Trump. And neatly manicured neighborhoods conceal a more complicated political biosphere.
Republican Michael Nudo, 27, grew up in the Phoenix flip zone — when it was more securely Republican territory. During his freshman year in high school, his family lost their house to foreclosure as millions of other Americans did during the Great Recession. Then their rental house was foreclosed on, and they had to move again.
Read More: Moving the flip zone: Democrats march deeper into suburbia | Govt-and-politics